This post was written by Melissa Butt for DST727: Leadership in Changing Times.
To work in solidarity is to work together, in support and unity, for the benefit of the people impacted. Doing so with Disability and Mad-led movements from the position of disabled/Mad people and allies promotes broad engagement, advocacy, and action while validating lived experiences and intersectionality. It is equally, if not more, important for allies working in these movements, to understand that working in solidarity must begin with an understanding of the history of colonialist and systemic oppressions that have perpetuated ableist assumptions and violence against disabled and Mad people. Movements should be led by those impacted the most, those who understand the systems and can impact liberation through this knowledge and lived experience (Sins Invalid, 2016).
In Canada, social assistance has had a lengthy history tied to oppression and poverty, beginning with constructions of who is worthy or deserving of assistance in the late 19th century. Industrialization shifted focus from collective labor to individual, productivity-focused, competitive employment. Federal provisions were put in place through to the mid-1900s to provide income support to those affected by job loss due to workplace injury, effects of war, and the Great Depression, all of which would have been seen as “worthy” cause for assistance, yet still came with stigmatization and poverty. Ontario Disability Support Program (ODSP) originated in 1977 and provides income and other support to eligible people with disabilities. Over approximately 65 years, social assistance rates have nominally increased, failing to keep pace with inflation and the cost of living.
The ODSP Action Coalition, formed in 2002, is a grassroots advocacy group led by ODSP recipients and supported by allies. The Coalition has employed a variety of efforts to promote change to ODSP directives, including political lobbying, rallies, and marches, advocacy with government officials, media work, complaints to the Ombudsman, joint efforts through collaborative organizing with other groups and organizations, etc. (ODSP Action Coalition, n.d). Led by those with lived experiences, this activism calls out state system failures in the face of adverse politics that reinforce medicalized models of disability and attach dollar amounts to disabled lives. This approach dismantles debility, attends to structural violence, and confronts settler colonialism’s impact on “precarious populations” (Kim, 2020).
The colonialist relationship with disability is often excluded from conversation, leading to the exclusion of lived experiences and the history of violence against marginalized communities as was also the case in historic disability activism (Grech, 2015). Pyles (2009)suggests we critique practices that leave people out, or which discount disabled bodies as disposable, both furthering the argument for disability and Mad-led movements. Likewise, Kim examines the history of disregard for the “state violence, labor exploitation, and other forms of structural dispossession” similarly noted by other disability scholars and advocates for corrections to the “willful undoing of vulnerable populations” (2020).
While not disability/mad-led, the Hamilton Roundtable for Poverty Reduction works in a collaborative, multi-sector approach, with people from business, non-profit sectors, government, education, faith communities and people who experience poverty, to work locally (in Hamilton, ON), provincially and nationally on policy and systems-level change to achieve long-term solutions to poverty (Hamilton Roundtable for Poverty Reduction, n.d). As I am not a participant in this activist group, I can’t speak to the experiences of those in the group who are most impacted by poverty. However, I feel it is important to draw attention to how state-led policy reform, rather than disability/mad-led activism, can proliferate ableism and neoliberalist frameworks. Working in solidarity can lead to a more significant impact on change.
Prince (2012) notes positive changes but highlights persistent categorical, regulatory, and stigmatizing practices in policy and practice for Canadians with disabilities. He goes on to draw attention to state-oriented approaches in Canadian disability politics where activist groups seek citizenship through social liberalism while disrupting neoliberalism. He suggests that while countering neoliberalist discourse through social liberation seems key in Canadian disability activism, the correlation between neoliberalist discourses and social liberalism ultimately lies in the joint understanding of individual rights, choice, accountability, and in the opportunities for activism for access, such as reforms to income assistance, accessibility legislation, and targeted programs or supports for people with disabilities (Prince, 2012). While I can recognize the value in common ground centered around autonomy, working in solidarity with disability activists means we must call out neoliberalist operations that marginalize disabled bodies as the problem and the subsequent shaping of policy that perpetuates ableist and discriminatory practices.
Pyles (2009) proposes that, to critique oppressive systems and practices, we must replace them with alternatives and draw our attention to the importance of accountability and accessibility felt by those affected, especially in times of crisis. Let us consider the 6.5% increase to ODSP allocation received by program participants in July 2023. A single person living in the community receiving ODSP income support is now eligible for up to $1308 per month. This modest increase of $80 per month from the previous monthly rate of $1228 is in response to a program review that now ties ODSP rates to inflation in the province of Ontario. However, it still does not address the significant discrepancy between the allocation and the poverty line. Additionally, individuals receiving ODSP who also receive supports under Ontario’s Developmental Services system in a “specialized care residence” received an increase to the portion of their allotment, which goes right back into the services provided to offset the costs of supports funded by the Ministry already. Yet, there is no increase to their $149 per month Personal Needs Allowance (PNA). This PNA amount is often expected to be used for clothing, personal hygiene supplies, activities/items of interest, or extras the person may choose to spend their money on. While the specialized residence rate is intended to cover costs associated with supports such as rent, groceries, and staffing supports, I am appalled by our government’s decision to increase their own pockets through this 6.5% increased offsetting revenue while overlooking the person intended to benefit from such increases.
It is important for us to remember that the “state is never neutral, in terms of issues including disability, ability, and who is deserving and undeserving” (Abbas, 2023). Take, for example, Covid-19 policies in response to mass closures of businesses and job loss. A survey completed in 2020 and repeated with the same interviewees again in 2022 reported that ODSP recipients came out of the Covid-19 pandemic with fewer community connections and were further behind financially. This survey also drew attention to the fact that a vast majority of ODSP recipients did not qualify for additional pandemic-related benefits, such as the Canadian Emergency Response Benefit (CERB), Canadian Recovery Benefit (CRB), or special monthly pandemic top-ups. The state’s policies around eligibility criteria and the amount of social assistance one can receive are rooted in medicalized models of disability that leave people out. This is evident not only in pandemic policies but also in eligibility criteria for ODSP income support, Developmental Services Supports, and more.
I suggest that when organizing with the goal of broad systemic change in policy and providing alternatives, activist groups would benefit from following a change process that includes the following structures:
- Identify the Problem
- What is it? Why is it a problem? Who does it affect/leave out and impact?
- Start with the people impacted.
- Representation matters.
- Listen and gather evidence.
- There is strength in numbers and the experiences of the membership and community.
- Identify the goal.
- What is the change you want to see?
- Identify alternative(s).
- Ensure that the alternatives presented align with the goals identified by those leading the movement.
- A good proposal for change should consider and identify the benefits, but also the risks, along with the risks of NOT instituting change.
- What are the consequences, impacts, legalities, costs associated with the alternative solutions?
- Communicate clearly, effectively, and interdependently
The pursuit of leadership and change, led by lived experience, addresses systemic barriers in tangible ways. Working in solidarity with disabled and mad-led movements in collective and collaborative responses gives power to the voices of lived experience and allows for impactful change that centers intersectionality, interdependence and maintains the scope of the problem in real and tangible ways.
References
Sins Invalid (2016). Skin, Tooth, and Bone: The Basis of Movement is Our People. Sins Invalid.
Pyles, L. (2009). Introduction. In Progressive Community Organizing: A Critical Approach for a Globalizing World (pp. 3-20). Routledge.
ODSP Action Coalition. (n.d.). https://www.odspaction.ca/
Kim, J. B. (2020). Disability in an Age of Fascism. American Quarterly, 72(1), 265-276.
Grech, S. (2015). Decolonizing Eurocentric Disability Studies: Why Colonialism matters in the Disability and Global South Debate. Social Identities: Journal for the Study of Race, Nation and Culture, 21(6), 6-21.
Mitchell, D. (2023, September 20). Ontarians on social supports “worse off” than before pandemic, study suggests. Global News. https://globalnews.ca/news/9972005/ontario-social-supports-worse-off-pandemic/
Ontario Disability Support Program. (n.d.). Ontario.ca. https://www.ontario.ca/page/ontario-disability-support-program
Prince, M. J. (2012). Canadian Disability Activism and Political Ideas: In and Between Neo-Liberalism and Social Liberalism. Canadian Journal of Disability Studies, 1(1), 1–34. https://doi.org/10.15353/cjds.v1i1.16
Hamilton Roundtable for Poverty Reduction. (n.d.). https://hamiltonpoverty.ca/preview/